"Furthermore, while interracial, intertribal, and inter- Terethnics were rare and restricted to the upper stratum of the common class. merchant, with the arrival in the capital of bureaucrats and vagabonds from various racial, tribal and ethnic origins, the frequency of interethnic marriage will increase, and the focus on interethnic sex (even without marriage) will will increasingly shift from the upper class of merchants to the lower classes inferior – even for the lowest class of assistance recipients. Instead of genetic enrichment, the consequence is an ever-increasing genetic impoverishment – an impulsive trend sioned by the fact that government assistance naturally will lead to an increase in the birth rate of your beneficiaries in relation to the birth rate of other members of society, in especially of members of the upper class of their tribe or race. Thanks to this disproportionate increase in the number of people from the lower class (and even the number of people in the subclasses) and the number increasingly greater number of ethnically, tribally and racially mixed descendants (especially in the lower and lower social strata), the nature of democratic (popular) government will gradually change. Instead of the “letter of race” being, essentially, the only instrument of politics, politics becomes It will increasingly become “class politics”. State rulers can no longer depend exclusively on the support of members of their same ethnic, tribal or racial origin; they must try to find each increasingly relying on tribal or racial lines, drawing on universal (without specific tribe or race) feelings of envy and egalitarianism, i.e., to social classes (members of the lowest castes and slaves versus the masters; workers against capitalists; the poor versus the rich; and so on)"
Even the Founding Fathers of the U.S., nowadays considered the model of a democracy, were strictly opposed to it. Without a single exception, they thought of democracy as nothing but mob-rule. Hans-Hermann Hoppe View quoted note →
God forbid that we should ever be so miserable as to sink into a Republic.” 6 One of the Founding Fathers, Alexander Hamilton, perhaps the most gifted of them all, regretted that the United States could not become a monarchy. Van Buren saw in Hamilton a monarchist, 7 certainly a conviction well grounded in facts 8 in view of Hamilton’s speeches at the Federal Convention in 1787 and 1788 in New York. And Francis Lieber very rightly pointed out that the Declaration of Independence is not really an antimonarchical document. 9 The sentence, “A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people” merely condemns George III but, at the same time, voices great respect for the royal office. The average American today would be surprised to hear the term “ruler of a free people” in which he sees a contradictio in adjecto. But in formulations like these we perceive a few aspects of Jefferson’s highly contradictory character and mind. He does stand near the mainstream of American leftist thought and deserved Hamilton’s severe strictures. 10 But then he was also the man who, in a letter to Mann Page, spoke about the “swinish multitudes.” 11 And Gouverneur Morris, on the extreme right, wrote to Nathanael Green in 1781, “I will go farther, I have no hope that our Union can subsist except in the form of an absolute monarchy.” Of the American founders, Alexander Hamil- ton was a monarchist. Likewise, the Governor of Pennsylvania, Robert Morris, had strong monarchist leanings. George Washington expressed his profound distaste of democracy in a letter of September 30,1798, to James McHenry. John Adams was convinced that every society grows aristocrats as inevitably as a field of corn will grow some large ears and some small. In a letter to John Taylor he insisted, like Plato and Aristotle, that democracy would ultimately evolve into despotism, and in a letter to Jefferson he declared that "democracy will envy all, contend with all, en- deavor to pull down all, and when by chance it happens to get the upper hand for a short time, it will be revengeful, bloody and cruel." James Madison, in a letter to Jared Parks, complained of the difficulty "of protecting the rights of property against the spirit of democracy." And even Thomas Jefferson, probably the most "democratic" of the Founders, confessed in a letter to John Adams that he consid- ered the natural aristocracy .. . as the most precious gift of nature, for the instruction, the trusts and governments of society. And indeed, it would have been inconsistent in creation to have formed men for the social state, and not have provided virtue and wisdom enough to manage the concerns of society. May we not even say that that form of government is best, which provides most effectually for a pure selection of these natural aristoi into the offices of government? Characterizing the general attitude of the founders, then, the most appropriate pro- nouncement is that of John Randolph of Roanoke: "I am an aristocrat: I love liberty, I hate equality."
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